It is necessary to consider holding an international conference on Bosnia and Herzegovina, where, alongside the participation of all domestic political factors, a key role would be taken by international actors, including the new administration of the United States, said Nenad Stevandić, President of the National Assembly of Republika Srpska, in a column for Nezavisne novine.
We publish the full column below:
I ask that this be understood as an address to everyone. I am addressing the wise and the reckless among us, the ambassadors, the great and small powers, and I am addressing God as well.
In the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the atmosphere of hatred and lynching against elected representatives from Republika Srpska has been pushed to the extreme, bordering on war propaganda. In such an environment, it is difficult to calm the people in both entities with vague statements. Freedom of movement is restricted by fear and the risk of possible attacks on politicians or citizens of one nation in the majority territory of another. The authorities and the opposition in the Federation of BiH have united on this issue, while part of the opposition in Srpska, seeing the downfall of legitimate representatives as an opportunity to advance their own ambitions, is merely providing an alibi for the emergence of extremist policies in the Federation.
The illegal high representative, trailing the inertia of international protectionism and the repressive policies of the former U.S. ambassador—the fundamentally warmongering past U.S. administration in BiH—has, through medieval-style law impositions without parliamentary approval, carelessly unleashed the specter of war. War has become a topic, a fear, and for some, even an option. Unfortunately, many have welcomed this, disregarding law, justice, ethics, and principles, failing to see the danger it poses to human lives. Hatred has reached a boiling point, and its toxic vapors are spreading through the media, among politicians, institutions, and the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
No rational person believes that Republika Srpska will sign a capitulation, surrender its property, and hand over its president. Just as no one doubts that the Bosniak establishment will push to the very end, attempting to draw the international community into the matter—an international community already on the brink of conflict due to geopolitical shifts between Russia, the U.S., China, and the EU. Likewise, there is no doubt that Croatian representatives will play all sides and, in the end, claim, “This is what we have always advocated,” capitalizing on it in every scenario.
But before that end comes—one whose consequences we do not yet know and for whom they will be most tragic—we must ask ourselves: do the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina need another war to understand that wars are meaningless?
I do not know if there is, alongside the growing fear among the people, an awareness of this reality. I hope there is, but at the same time, I fear that there is not.
Nor does the so-called international factor show such awareness. They are not afraid because, to them, we are still far away, somewhere else.
Christian Schmidt, aside from being illegitimate, has openly taken sides instead of coordinating, effectively beating the war drums and fueling the conflict. The major European powers, fatigued by BiH’s endless political instability and seeing it as a marginal issue, neither engage their sensors nor conduct serious analysis on the situation. They may seek to prove themselves through Bosnia and Herzegovina, but that will be of little benefit to our peoples.
Despite the multiethnic rhetoric, the reality of BiH today is overwhelmingly monoethnic—territories, weddings, graduations, and general awareness reflect this. That is the reality. The representatives of all peoples in the so-called joint institutions cannot mask or repair it; instead, they are only deepening and radicalizing it, reducing everything to the question of who owns what. The Bosniak authorities—and even the opposition—are under the illusion that a few offices (OHR, the Prosecutor’s Office, and the Constitutional Court) and their stamps equate to a functioning state. They fail to understand that a state is its people, not offices. In Srpska, we have responded to this terror with defensive laws, as law is the only thing that prevents terror.
But the war specter is spreading, and conscientious individuals—who are, unfortunately, mostly paralyzed by fear or complacency—must act to prevent the beginning of conflict. I am speaking about this publicly, on time. But is it still on time?
Hatred has crossed the Rubicon. Hatred toward Dodik, and often toward Vučić, is directly proportional to the electoral results of the Serb people. This is a sad attempt to reduce the matter to a personal dispute. Of course, we in Srpska are not saints in this regard, nor are the Croats.
For this reason, it is crucial to consider holding an international conference on Bosnia and Herzegovina, where, alongside all domestic political factors, a key role would be taken by international actors, particularly the new administration of the United States, which has shown an understanding of the real situation on the ground and is committed to de-escalation and ending destabilizing conflicts.
This conference would provide an opportunity for direct dialogue among all sides, aiming to prevent further escalation and find a solution that ensures long-term stability.
This is not merely a diplomatic initiative—it is an urgent appeal for conflict prevention. Holding such a conference would be the first step in calming tensions and restoring trust among the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina while reaffirming the Dayton Agreement in a way that does not lead to the dominance of one side over the others but instead establishes a stable and sustainable political order.
The question remains: is it still possible to prevent escalation?
It is always better to hold a conference before conflict erupts than to attempt diplomacy after the damage has already been done.
Source: RTRS
